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The Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis

Exploring the frustration-aggression hypothesis, initially proposed by John Dollard in 1939, which links frustration to aggressive behavior. The theory has evolved, with Leonard Berkowitz's 1965 revision highlighting situational cues and negative affect. Research challenges the catharsis theory of aggression, suggesting that aggression may increase anger. Critics argue the hypothesis oversimplifies aggression's causes and responses.

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1

The - hypothesis, introduced by John Dollard and others in ______, suggests that aggression is a natural reaction to blocked goals.

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frustration-aggression 1939

2

Frustration-aggression hypothesis: sole response?

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No, aggression is not the only response to frustration; theory now includes various reactions.

3

Displacement of aggression: example?

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Aggression can be redirected to a less threatening target, like a family member instead of a boss.

4

Frustration-aggression in group dynamics: role?

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Theory explains phenomena like scapegoating, where a frustrated group blames a minority for problems.

5

The research by Berkowitz and ______ in ______ indicated that visible ______ increased aggression in frustrated people.

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LePage 1967 weapons

6

Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis

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Suggests aggression is result of frustration; doesn't account for non-aggressive responses like crying.

7

Bushman's 2002 Study Findings

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Shows aggression, like hitting a bag thinking of an enemy, increases anger rather than providing catharsis.

8

Implications of Aggression Expression

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Expressing anger through aggression may strengthen and heighten aggressive behaviors.

9

Critics of the hypothesis point out the excessive use of ______ university students in studies and question the naturalness of lab environments.

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male

10

In support of the hypothesis, a study by ______ ______ in ______ showed more aggression in frustrated individuals.

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Arnold Buss 1963

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Exploring the Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis

The frustration-aggression hypothesis, formulated by researchers including John Dollard in 1939, posits that aggression is an automatic response to the frustration of thwarted desires. This theory suggests that when an individual's efforts to reach a goal are blocked, frustration ensues, which in turn leads to an aggressive drive and potentially aggressive actions. The level of aggression is thought to be proportional to the degree of frustration, influenced by factors such as the importance of the goal and the magnitude of the obstacle. It is important to note that the aggression resulting from frustration may not always be directed at the source of frustration, which can lead to displaced aggression when the source is intangible, formidable, or inaccessible.
Chessboard during an advanced game with white pawn in front of black pawn, white knight on the right, black bishop and black king in the background.

The Evolution of Frustration-Aggression Theory

The frustration-aggression hypothesis has evolved since its inception. Dollard and his colleagues later acknowledged that aggression is not the sole response to frustration, broadening the scope of the theory to encompass a variety of reactions. This expanded view allows for a better understanding of complex social behaviors, such as the displacement of aggression onto less threatening targets, like a family member instead of a superior at work. The theory has also been instrumental in explaining group dynamics, such as scapegoating, where a frustrated majority may unjustly blame a minority for societal problems during periods of hardship.

Berkowitz's Revision of the Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis

Leonard Berkowitz refined the frustration-aggression hypothesis in 1965 by emphasizing the role of situational cues in eliciting aggression. Berkowitz proposed that aggression is not an inevitable result of frustration but can be triggered by external cues, such as the presence of weapons. This was supported by his study with LePage in 1967, which showed that frustrated individuals exhibited more aggression when weapons were visible. Berkowitz also introduced the concept of negative affect, which encompasses the unpleasant emotions experienced when goals are blocked or threats are perceived. While negative affect can predispose individuals to aggression, it is the combination of this predisposition with frustration and provocative cues that may lead to aggressive behavior.

Questioning the Catharsis Theory of Aggression

The frustration-aggression hypothesis has been used to support the catharsis theory, which suggests that acting on aggressive impulses can provide relief from frustration. However, research has cast doubt on this relationship. For instance, a study by Bushman in 2002 demonstrated that engaging in aggressive behaviors, such as hitting a punching bag while thinking of an antagonist, can actually increase feelings of anger and aggression. This finding challenges the cathartic value of aggression and suggests that expressing anger through aggression may reinforce and amplify aggressive tendencies. Additionally, the varied individual responses to frustration, which can include non-aggressive behaviors like crying, indicate that the frustration-aggression hypothesis does not fully capture the complexity of human responses to frustration.

Critiques and Limitations of the Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis

The frustration-aggression hypothesis has been influential but is not without its critics. Some argue that it is too simplistic and fails to account for aggressive behavior that occurs without frustration or in different social contexts. Aggression can also be a learned behavior, suggesting that it is not always a direct consequence of frustration. Methodological critiques include the over-reliance on certain demographics, such as male university students, and the artificiality of laboratory settings, which may affect the external validity of the research. Nevertheless, empirical support for the hypothesis exists, as seen in studies like the one conducted by Arnold Buss in 1963, which found that individuals who experienced frustration displayed more aggression than those who did not, supporting the core premise of the hypothesis.